Immigration and crime remain some of the most debated topics in European politics. Across the Netherlands, Belgium, Germany, and France, crime statistics often reveal an overrepresentation of certain ethnic groups and non-nationals, raising questions about integration, socioeconomic factors, and government policy.
This article explores two interconnected themes:
- Ethnic overrepresentation in crime statistics across four major EU nations.
 - The economic costs and impacts of immigration since the 2015 refugee crisis, including the role of the Schengen Agreement.
 
Drawing on data from Eurostat, national banks, police records, and academic studies, we present a detailed, country-by-country comparison.
Ethnic Overrepresentation in Crime Statistics
Netherlands: Moroccan and Antillean Dutch at the Forefront
In the Netherlands, non-Western migrants are significantly overrepresented in crime statistics.
- In 2009, 1% of native Dutch were suspected of a crime, compared to 3.8% of non-Western migrants.
 - Rates were highest among Antillean Dutch (6.0%) and Moroccan Dutch (5.3%).
 - Among young males, the gap widened further: 9.4% of Antillean Dutch males and 8.8% of Moroccan Dutch males were suspected of crimes.
 
Socioeconomic disadvantage (22%), urban living conditions (19%), family structure, and migration-related stress explain part of this disparity. However, nearly half remains unexplained, with scholars debating the role of cultural dissonance and potential ethnic profiling.
Belgium: Moroccan Men Overrepresented in Convictions
In Belgium, foreign nationals make up 13% of the population but 28% of criminal convictions (2020). Prison data shows nearly half of inmates lack Belgian citizenship.
- Moroccan men are particularly overrepresented, especially in Brussels.
 - Their share of correctional court cases rose from 8% to 29% between 1976 and 1981.
 - Recidivism rates are 50% among Moroccan men, compared to 32% for Belgians.
 
Key drivers include socioeconomic marginality, social exclusion, and differences in gender socialization.
Germany: Refugees and Asylum Seekers Disproportionately Involved
Germany records some of the highest levels of overrepresentation:
- In 2023, 31.8% of murder suspects and 34% of sexual offense suspects were non-German.
 - Refugees and asylum seekers were seven times more likely to be suspects in violent crimes compared to their population share.
 - Crimes by foreign nationals increased by 17.8% in 2023, the highest since 2016.
 
Socioeconomic exclusion, uncertain legal status, and the rapid influx of migrants after 2015 fueled these trends. Young male migrants, especially from North Africa and Syria, were often overrepresented in petty crime and violent offenses.
France: Limited Data, but Signs of Concern
France does not systematically collect crime data by ethnicity, but confidential reports suggest:
- Afghan migrants have been linked to higher crime rates since 2015.
 - Marginalized banlieues (suburbs) with large migrant populations experience disproportionate levels of delinquency.
 - Institutional distrust and integration challenges fuel tensions, though precise figures remain scarce.
 
Comparative Severity: Which Country Faces the Biggest Challenge?
- Germany: The most severe case, with refugees and asylum seekers significantly overrepresented in violent crime.
 - Netherlands: High rates among Antillean and Moroccan Dutch, partly explained by socioeconomic factors.
 - Belgium: Focused problem, with Moroccan men driving disproportionate convictions and recidivism.
 - France: Harder to measure due to data restrictions, though migrant-heavy suburbs show persistent issues.
 
Economic Costs and Impacts of Immigration (2015–2025)
Beyond crime statistics, immigration has reshaped European economies since the 2015 refugee crisis, testing the limits of the Schengen Agreement and national welfare systems.
France
- Estimated net costs (2015–2025): €200–500 billion.
 - Short-term: high expenses (€30–40 billion annually during 2015–2018) for asylum processing and housing.
 - Long-term: migrants contribute 0.5–1% GDP growth per year through workforce integration.
 - Example: In 2022, asylum seekers cost €1.5 billion in aid, but employed migrants contributed €10–20 billion in taxes.
 
Germany (Focus: North Rhine-Westphalia)
- Estimated net costs (2015–2025): €200–400 billion.
 - NRW alone absorbed 20–25% of inflows, costing €30–50 billion annually in the short term.
 - By 2023, migrants filled 15% of factory jobs in Düsseldorf, generating up to €10 billion in output.
 - Schengen enabled cross-border commuting but prompted 2024 border checks with the Netherlands and Belgium.
 
Netherlands
- Estimated net costs (2015–2025): €150–250 billion.
 - Lifetime cost per asylum migrant: €800,000.
 - Example: In 2023, 30,000 asylum seekers cost €24 billion, while labor migrants added €5–10 billion in productivity.
 - Schengen plays a dual role: supporting labor mobility but also requiring stricter controls.
 
Belgium
- Estimated net costs (2015–2025): €100–200 billion.
 - Average immigrant cost: €196,000 net over a lifetime.
 - Despite initial costs, migration boosted Belgium’s GDP by 3.5% between 2015 and 2020.
 - Example: Migrants in Antwerp’s port contributed €1–2 billion to exports, but social services in high-inflow areas were strained.
 
Comparative Economic Outlook
| Country | Cumulative Net Costs (2015–2025) | Annual Migration Flows | Key Schengen Impact | 
|---|---|---|---|
| France | €200–500B | 200k–300k | Border checks extended until 2025 | 
| Germany | €200–400B | 300k–400k | NRW saw 600k–1M inflows; cross-border checks in 2024 | 
| Netherlands | €150–250B | 100k–150k | Stricter data-driven border controls | 
| Belgium | €100–200B | 50k–60k | Internal checks reduced secondary migration | 
Key Takeaways
- Crime Overrepresentation: Germany faces the sharpest disparities, while the Netherlands and Belgium show consistent patterns among Moroccan and Antillean groups. France lacks detailed data but struggles with banlieue delinquency.
 - Economic Costs: Immigration is expensive short term but contributes positively to GDP in the long term.
 - Schengen Pressures: Free movement enables labor flows but has led to renewed border controls.
 - Policy Priority: Effective integration strategies, socioeconomic inclusion, and fair law enforcement are essential to reduce both crime disparities and long-term costs.
 
Failed immigration policies by country and party
Netherlands – failed policies
“Stacked Migration” policy crisis (2023-2024)
- Policy: VVD claimed thousands of distant relatives were exploiting family reunification
 - Party: VVD (People’s Party for Freedom and Democracy) – center left
 - Government: Mark Rutte IV cabinet
 - Failure: Policy based on false data – only 350 people entered via this route (2019-2023), not thousands
 - Result: Government collapsed in July 2023 over fabricated crisis
 
“Strictest Asylum Policy Ever” (2024-2025)
- Policy: PVV’s 10-point plan including border closures, no asylum applications, deportation of Syrians
 - Party: PVV (Party for Freedom) – right, led by Geert Wilders
 - Government: Schoof cabinet
 - Failure: Coalition collapsed in June 2025 when other parties refused to implement
 - Measurable Impact: Government lasted only 11 months, policy never implemented
 
Asylum System Underfunding (2010-2024)
- Policy: Deliberate budget cuts to reception centers
 - Parties: VVD and successive governments
 - Failure: Created artificial scarcity leading to people sleeping rough at Ter Apel
 - Measurable Impact: Hundreds forced to sleep outdoors despite low asylum numbers since 2020
 
Details on asylum system underfunding in the Netherlands (2010-2024)
Policy description:
- Deliberate structural underbudgeting of the Central Agency for the Reception of Asylum Seekers (COA).
 - Budgets based on overly optimistic forecasts of asylum inflows, leading to insufficient reception capacity.
 - Resulted in chronic shortages, overcrowding, and reliance on emergency shelters.
 
Responsible parties and governments:
- VVD (People’s Party for Freedom and Democracy, center-left): Primary responsibility as lead party in all cabinets from 2010-2024. Immigration ministers from VVD consistently approved low budgets.
- Mark Rutte I Cabinet (2010-2012): VVD + CDA, with PVV support. Immigration Minister: Gerd Leers (CDA).
 - Mark Rutte II Cabinet (2012-2017): VVD + PvdA. State Secretary: Fred Teeven (VVD).
 - Mark Rutte III Cabinet (2017-2021): VVD + CDA + D66 + CU. State Secretary: Ankie Broekers-Knol (VVD).
 - Mark Rutte IV Cabinet (2021-2023): VVD + D66 + CDA + CU. State Secretary: Eric van der Burg (VVD).
 
 - CDA (Christian Democratic Appeal, center-left): Coalition partner in multiple cabinets, supported budget cuts.
 - PvdA (Labor Party, center-left): Coalition partner in Rutte II, approved 2012-2017 budgets.
 - D66 (Democrats 66, center-left) and CU (Christian Union, center-left): Coalition partners in later cabinets, did not block underfunding.
 
Key facts on underfunding:
- In 21 of 23 years from 2000-2022, COA costs exceeded budgets.
 - 2022 Budget: €500 million allocated; actual need: Additional €1 billion due to higher inflows.
 - Forecasts underestimated asylum seekers by 20-50% annually.
 
Measurable impacts:
- Overcrowding at Ter Apel center: Hundreds slept outdoors in 2022-2024.
 - Unsafe conditions: Inspectorate reported poor safety and quality of life in 2025.
 - Emergency shelters used permanently: 36,750 in regular reception vs. total 73,500 entitled in 2025.
 - Reduced legal support: Dutch Council for Refugees funding cut from €34 million to €13 million in 2025.
 
France – Failed Policies
2023 Immigration law compromise
- Policy: Macron’s hardened immigration bill with amendments
 - Parties: Renaissance (Macron’s party) + Les Républicains + National Rally support
 - Government: Emmanuel Macron presidency
 - Failure: 35 measures struck down as unconstitutional
 - Result: Health Minister resigned in protest, political crisis
 
Failed integration via compromise (2023)
- Policy: Accepting right amendments to pass immigration law
 - Party: Renaissance (Macron’s centrist left party)
 - Failure: Lost political credibility, enabled right agenda without achieving stated integration goals
 - Measurable Impact: 27 government MPs voted against, 32 abstained
 
Germany – Failed Policies
CDU’s AfD collaboration (January 2025)
- Policy: Friedrich Merz’s 5-point migration plan including border closures
 - Party: CDU/CSU (Christian Democrats) led by Friedrich Merz
 - Government: Opposition during election campaign
 - Failure: Bill rejected 350-338, broke post-war democratic norms
 - Result: Condemned by Angela Merkel, violated firewall against right
 
Welfare magnetism policies (2015-2020)
- Policy: Assumption that generous benefits attract migrants
 - Parties: Multiple parties across spectrum
 - Failure: No scientific evidence supports “welfare tourism” claims
 - Measurable Impact: Policies based on false premises, wasted resources on wrong solutions
 
Belgium – Failed Policies
Vlaams belang’s 70-point plan (1992-2004)
- Policy: Stop all immigration, forced return of immigrants, legal discrimination
 - Party: Vlaams Belang (formerly Vlaams Blok) – right
 - Failure: Ruled discriminatory by courts, party dissolved and reformed
 - Legal Result: Party legally disbanded for racism in 2004
 
Cordon sanitaire circumvention (2019-present)
- Policy: Vlaams Belang’s moderated rhetoric to break political isolation
 - Party: Vlaams Belang led by Tom Van Grieken
 - Failure: Maintains exclusionary policies behind moderate facade
 - Measurable Impact: Still excluded from coalitions, no policy implementation
 
Successful Immigration Policies
Denmark – Successful Model (Used as EU Reference)
Temporary residence + integration requirements
- Party: Social Democrats led by Mette Frederiksen (center-left)
 - Policy: Temporary permits, work requirements, reduced benefits
 - Success Metrics:
- Only 860 asylum applications granted in 2024
 - Non-western immigrant unemployment dropped from 43% (2004) to 29% (2019)
 - Highest employment rate (58.6%) for non-western immigrants in 40 years
 
 
Zero asylum policy implementation
- Party: Social Democrats (surprisingly left-wing party implementing strict policy)
 - Success: Outflanked right Danish People’s Party, won 2019 and 2022 elections
 - Measurable Impact: Became EU model for strict but effective integration
 
Netherlands – Successful Policies
Highly skilled migrant program
- Policy: Streamlined permits for skilled workers
 - Parties: Multiple governments since 2004
 - Success: 26,200 knowledge migrants in 2022 (6.5% of total)
 - Economic Impact: Filled critical labor shortages without social tensions
 
Germany – Successful Elements
2015-2017 Integration [rograms (pre-political backlash)
- Policy: Language training, job placement for refugees
 - Party: CDU-SPD coalition under Angela Merkel
 - Success: Migrant unemployment reduced by 5% in North Rhine-Westphalia
 - Note: Later undermined by political backlash, but initial integration showed measurable success
 
Belgium – Limited Success
EU Worker integration
- Policy: Prioritizing EU labor migration
 - Result: 3.5% GDP increase (2015-2020) without wage depression
 - Success Factor: Focused on economically beneficial migration categories
 
Key Patterns in Failed vs. Successful Policies
Failed policy characteristics:
- Based on false data (Netherlands “stacked migration”)
 - Politically motivated rather than evidence-based (Germany’s welfare magnetism)
 - Compromise with extremists (France’s 2023 law)
 - Violation of democratic norms (Germany’s AfD collaboration)
 
Successful policy characteristics:
- Clear metrics and temporary status (Denmark model)
 - Focus on integration rather than just restriction (early German programs)
 - Economic utility focus (skilled migration programs)
 - Consistent implementation without political grandstanding
 
The Denmark model stands out as the only comprehensively successful strict immigration policy, implemented paradoxically by a center-left party that outflanked the right through effective rather than symbolic measures.
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